Government । সরকার

To learn to lose is an art, but it gets quite complex when winning becomes a crafty science. This came out in the elections to the Bihar Legislative Assembly, where the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) secured a massive number of 202 seats of the total of 243. Within the NDA, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) bagged 89 seats, the Janata Dal (United) or JDU won 85, while the Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas) or LJPRV won 19. NDA allies such as the Hindustani Awam Morcha (Secular) got five and the Rashtriya Lok Morcha won four seats.

The massive street protests in Sri Lanka (2022), Bangladesh (2024) and Nepai (2025) toppled three legitimately elected governments primarily because the demos, common people in Greek, were convinced that the “democratic” structure which was meant to reflect their will did not do so. Surprisingly, Plato was critical of Athenian democracy and considered it to be chaotic, prone to mob rule, which elevates unqualified leaders through oratory, not virtue, and risks tyranny. Aristotle saw democracy as a flawed system often swayed by emotion or demagogues, leading to mob rule.

Fourteen years ago, the Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had promised to convert Kolkata into London, and she also made a recent visit to the great city — to update herself. However, we really don’t know when this will happen, and, frankly, all we now hope is that our city sheds the stigma of being the world’s most unsightly capital. This is evident through heaps of garbage, ugly shanties right on main thoroughfares, and rags covering the pavement stalls.

This refers to Vinay Sahasrabuddhe’s article, ‘In with the new, and the old‘ (IE December 24, 2024). He writes that Indic ideas can contribute to good governance. We are keen to know which Indic ideas he refers to. From the potpourri of statements made by him as a spokesperson of the current regime, we shall restrict ourselves only to his “old Indic” inspiration for good governance, and not contest his many political and contemporary claims.

Few world leaders have caused such universal consternation, even before they formally accepted their office, as President Donald Trump has. Much of this apprehension arises out of his past record of extreme aggression whenever he perceives that American interests are hurt, leading to a lot of sabre-rattling and chest thumping. The more worrisome part lies in his weaponising of tariff protect the American market against importers, until they zip open their markets to him or toe his political line.

The terrible rape and murder of a junior doctor, pseudonymously called Abhaya, at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital on 9th August 2024 suddenly shattered the normally placid acceptance of several chronic problems of health sector in West Bengal and elsewhere. It led to immediate strikes in hospitals and medical institutions all over India and triggered the longest-ever agitation by enraged citizens and junior doctors of Bengal. There is no doubt that this protest is surely a historic landmark in many, many respects.

What started as a protest against a heinous rape and murder of a junior lady doctor in a government hospital in Kolkata attached to the famous RG Kar Medical College has snowballed into an unprecedented movement for justice and the safety of women. 

During the UPA years, 2004 to 2014, Narendra Modi, CM of Gujarat, led the brigade of States on each and every issue that he felt militated against the federal structure of the Constitution. Thus, when he was elected prime minister of India in 2014, we had naturally expected him to strengthen the rights of states and were certain that he would take away several controversially acquired powers of the Centre.

In 1967, when I was just 15 years old, I was attracted to Ram Manohar Lohia’s brand of desi socialism that targeted the nexus between caste and class in India. The Congress had been in power for 20 years and appeared quite invincible. But socialist leaders such as George Fernandes, Madhu Limaye, Rabi Ray and Kishen Pattanayak believed that the mighty Congress could be dislodged.

Narendra Modi has begun his third term in 2024 with the inglorious distinction of leading the “least productive parliament session” – the just-concluded monsoon-cum-budget session. Conversely, his first session after his second innings in 2019 was proudly declared by the Speaker as the “most productive” one since 1952. Along with the Rajya Sabha, it had passed a record 36 bills – demonstrating, in no uncertain terms, the cocky spirit of that phase.

The INDIA front, that Narendra Modi and his acolytes had scornfully dismissed as divided and doomed, had managed to give the Bharatiya Janata Party a real fright, with its 237 seats so perilously close to the BJP’s 240.

History will look back at the 2024 elections to the 18th Lok Sabha as an exciting landmark— somewhat like 1967 or 1977 or even 2014. There is no doubt that it marks the beginning of the end of the Modi era, though one cannot predict how badly he may react to the writing on the wall or how or viciously he may tighten his stranglehold over a battered democracy. It is a major blow to Narendra Modi’s ego and his hold over his flock that he has fallen 32 seats short of the absolute majority figure of 272 seats.

What started as a completely one-sided election has slowly but surely turned into an interesting one, with all sorts of possibilities. Liberals, rationalists, pluralists, democratic, leftists and all others who have not accepted a regime that is openly opposed to these values enshrined in the Indian constitution have suffered repeated defeat, demoralisation and humiliation for 10 long years.

I am sad that while every major city of India has a proper public-sponsored art gallery, Kolkata does not. Delhi, Mumbai and Bangalore have great facilities called the National Galleries of Modern Art (NGMAs),

Nothing could sum up better the transactional relationship between big capital and authoritarian rule than these words of William E. Scheuerman, Professor of Political Science at Indiana University in the ‘Boston Review’, under the catchy title Why Do Authoritarians Win?

In the last three years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has introduced and carried through, with lightning speed and his brute majority in parliament, a series of legislations that choke or restrict our freedom of expression, information, data and their transmission. We have reasons to believe that the apparatus of a surveillance state has been grafted, stealthily but surely,

The unseemly haste and rough manner in which Prime Minister Modi and his Communications Ministry rushed through the Telecommunications Bill in the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha not only reveals their muscular, majoritarian psyche but also the regime’s apathy towards (or fear of) debate.

Now that as many as 14 Lok Sabha MPs, including senior ones like DMK’s Kanimozhi and Trinamool Congress’s Rajya Sabha leader Derek O’Brien, have all been suspended, let’s get the facts clear. They were all protesting vociferously against the Union home minister’s failure to ensure security of parliament on December 13. The Bharatiya Janata Party MP who was responsible for permitting those who burst tear-gas canisters in the Lok Sabha is scot free till the time of writing. The irony is, however, that 15 Opposition MPs were punished, on the majorityparty BJP’s resolution, for shouting heated slogans (defying the chair) and demanding that the prime minister or the home minister explain to parliament why the major security lapse happened.

দেশের ধর্মনিরপেক্ষ মানুষেরা যখন হিন্দুত্বের উগ্র রূপ দেখে খুব বিব্রত হচ্ছিলেন তখন অনেকেই খেয়াল করেননি যে ‘হিন্দিত্ব’ হয়তো তার চেয়েও বেশি ভয়ঙ্কর। ‘হিন্দিত্ব’ সংখ্যাগুরুদের মধ্যেই হিন্দি ভাষাকে গায়ের জোরে চাপিয়ে দিচ্ছে। আমাদের যুক্তরাষ্ট্রীয় কাঠামোয় প্রধান হিন্দুত্বের চেয়েও অধিক ক্ষতিকর এই ‘হিন্দিত্ব’। এর প্রবক্তারা বলেন যে, হিন্দি রাষ্ট্রীয় ভাষা তাই দোষ নেই, কিন্তু তা সত্যি নয়। সংবিধান অনুযায়ী রাষ্ট্রভাষা কিছু নেই।

There is no doubt that the increasing politicisation of the bureaucracy has been corroding, for quite some time, the pillars on which fair and efficient administration rest. The pains taken by the founding fathers of our constitution to protect and insulate the civil service from political interference had ensured a large degree of neutrality, for several decades — except perhaps during the Emergency. What is more important is that it created a culture of looking down at any suspiciously close liaison between politicians and bureaucrats (for mutual personal gain) to be illicit and adulterous.