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April is the cruellest month...", TS Eliot had once declared. April this year has indeed been unusually cruel.
On the third day of the month, the Central government rammed the controversial Waqf (Amendment) Bill through an incensed Lok Sabha — obviously more to needle the Muslims than grab their endowments. The next day, it harangued and bickered and bullied the Rajya Sabha, until it cleared the amendment at 2 o’clock in the morning. Muslims seethed with rage, while the Opposition licked its wounds.
It is often believed that the whole business of setting off riots-at-will began after the arrival of a single individual, who is well versed in such matters. But then, to be fair to him and to history, we can trace this phenomenon back by a decade before, to the fateful day when the Babri Masjid was razed to the ground.
Now that we are hell bent on becoming a Hindu Pakistan, how can we do without a Sunni-Shia divide, that has led to innumerable killings among Muslims in the real Pakistan? When hate becomes the cornerstone of the one-religion-one-country demand, then the ghost of Jinnah is bound to roam all over, to ensure that this hate just does not stop at one community.
There are admirable traits in all religions that I salute. Very recently, the world's largest congregation of humanity took their sacred dip at the maha-prayag of Mahakumbh. Yogi's team claims 66 crores bathed, while mature estimates place this at 25 crores — which is still a world record of faith drawing so many. We admire the tremendous social service that Sikhs render across the globe, like offering free food to all irrespective of religion or origin, in every Gurudwara.
This refers to Vinay Sahasrabuddhe’s article, ‘In with the new, and the old‘ (IE December 24, 2024). He writes that Indic ideas can contribute to good governance. We are keen to know which Indic ideas he refers to. From the potpourri of statements made by him as a spokesperson of the current regime, we shall restrict ourselves only to his “old Indic” inspiration for good governance, and not contest his many political and contemporary claims.
The terrible rape and murder of a junior doctor, pseudonymously called Abhaya, at RG Kar Medical College and Hospital on 9th August 2024 suddenly shattered the normally placid acceptance of several chronic problems of health sector in West Bengal and elsewhere. It led to immediate strikes in hospitals and medical institutions all over India and triggered the longest-ever agitation by enraged citizens and junior doctors of Bengal. There is no doubt that this protest is surely a historic landmark in many, many respects.
It is a matter of concern that, till now, we have no comprehensive study or publication in English on Bamapada Bandyopadhyay (Banerjee) of Calcutta, whereas we have countess books, studies, videos and even a movie on his senior, Raja Ravi Varma of Travancore, Baroda, Bombay and Mysore.
For someone from Kolkata who had boarded the ‘Deluxe’ train from an overwhelmingly large and frighteningly busy Howrah station, the railway station of New Delhi appeared to be very small and so quite provincial. This was during the biting winter of 1967. I had been told by panicky relatives back home to wrap my muffler tightly around my neck and over my ears. I had complied with this instruction until our taxi stopped before a group of smartly turned out in bright school blazers greeted us with unstoppable giggles.
Of the two major national day celebrations that India observes, Republic Day is certainly more colourful because of the pomp and power government displays on New Delhi’s imposing Central Vista avenue. Amidst the glitter and glory, we tend to forget why we celebrate this day. On this 26th day of January in 1950, India gave effect to the Constitution of a free nation and replaced the Imperial-era Government of India Act of 1935.
“Forgive them, for they knew not what they were doing; But some did, and did not care!” These impassioned words were inscribed on a poster that was mounted and was fixed on the wall over my desk. It inspired me for several years until the compulsions of my job took me away from that house. The poster was printed by the Ananda Bazar group and it depicted an old sepia tint photograph of demolition labourers tearing down the Senate Hall of Calcutta University, in 1960.
Around midnight of December 31, when several people in India will sit before their television sets (the rest will be busy at parties), they will invariably be greeted with visuals of places in New Zealand, Australia, Japan and Korea that have already celebrated “Happy New Year”, with skylines flaring up in panoramic colours and revellers rocking in sheer joy.
Manmohan Singh never opened up to anyone about his problems as he had mastered the art of suffering in silence. That is why we hardly knew how bad his health was until he left us suddenly — without any photo ops in the hospital or any media blitz.
The year 1991 is etched in the history of India as the first significant break with the economic policy that was so dear to the Congress after Independence. It was then that I first met Dr Manmohan Singh, who served as the Finance Minister in Narasimha Rao’s cabinet.
Now that the minister of state for finance has finally confirmed, in reply to one of the last letters written as MP before I resigned, that the Indian banking system has written off Rs 16.11 lakh crore during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first 10 years – we have the full picture for the first time.
One of the heavy costs that Narendra Modi is paying for staying in power is disowning the strongest of biases of his parent organisation, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – to which he swore everlasting loyalty when he joined it in his teens. He also retracts, ever so stealthily, from the principle of his political guru, V.D. Savarkar of the Hindu Mahasabha, even as he never misses a photo opportunity to worship him publicly.
William Dalrymple’s sweeping statement that WhatsApp history has gripped Indians because our historians did not write for the general public has, as expected, set the cat among pigeons. For the author, such ruffled feathers mean greater interest in his new book The Golden Road, and surely, better sales.
Diwali is one festival that every corner of India celebrates, in some form or the other. As there is no central model or standard protocol, the diverse local-level celebrations are not really regional variations, but represent the cultural tradition of that part of India. Each region, sub-region, cult or sect has evolved its mode of celebration, based on its history and ancient beliefs, but each is definitely connected to the main festival of Diwali.
Of all the regional festivals that Hindi movies have popularised throughout India the most, Mumbai’s Ganesh Chaturthi and Karwa Chauth are the very top. Bollywood selected Karwa Chauth as it perfectly fitted into the image of blissful, society-sanctioned, post-marital love and devotion.
Valmiki Jayanti is a government holiday and many institutions are shut down, but very few people know why. Some say, quite vaguely, that it celebrates the great composer of the Ramayan, Maharshi Valmiki and they are officially correct.
On August 9, the day Mahatma Gandhi had launched the ‘Quit India’ movement in 1942 (opposed by the Hindu Right), the entire opposition walked out of the Rajya Sabha in protest against the chairman’s ruling that disallowed the Leader of Opposition to speak about the chair’s jibe at Samajwadi Party MP Jaya Bachchan, who’s in her 20th year in the Rajya Sabha.
Many have often wondered how the ancient Indic religions, Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism (Sikhism is not that ‘ancient’), survived and prospered for millennia — without a designated holy book like the Bible or the Koran and with no Mecca, Vatican or Jerusalem to guide. With a little introspection, we come to realise that it is actually this absence of a ‘central command’ and non-uniform format that account for this.