Politics
As a defining moment, the twenty fifth of June of 1975 has more than secured its position on the timeline of Indian history. While the Congress prays hard to just forget the ignominy of Emergency, the prime beneficiaries of this tragic phase, namely the Yadav-led socialist parties, are burping after feasting on power for several decades. As the most fearless and uncompromising opposition to India's Emergency, the Akali Dal earned lucrative political rewards, but the most interesting contender is the ruling party. It is hell-bent on appropriating all credit for everything remarkable, whether in the past or at present.
Unlike other societies, India hardly ever encouraged physical prowess, adventure or competitive sports. We do, of course, have some wrestling but it is restricted to a tiny section of male pehlwans. We read of how the Kshatriyas jealously guarded archery from doubtful aspirants like Karan and how Ekalavya had to pay with his right thumb for daring to excel in an upper-caste elite sport. But, frankly, one sees no evidence of Kshatriyas organising sporting contests, once the Mahabharata was over and done with. Tribals, on the other hand, were more devoted to archery and organised regular hunting meets, but their increasing integration into the mainstream meant that they lost many such traditional skills. What about kabaddi or other village games? We are not saying that no one ever played games: we are simply stating that we did not value sports as highly as many European or African societies did and do.
While politicians quibble over the legality of the recent rules issued by the Central government curbing the movement and trade in cattle of all types and even camels, we may like to take a look at the big picture. The oft-quoted Article 48 of the Constitution is one among the many unrealized directive principles: desirable when able. It talks of banning the slaughter of milch and draught cattle, but the point here is that no one is advocating this patently uneconomical idea. We need to understand that even the best cows become a burden to poor farmers after their lactating period is over. So do old draught animals. Most farmers, many of whom are strict vegetarians, therefore, sell them off so that other humans and cattle can be better looked after.
বছর কয়েক আগে আমি যখন ভারত সরকারের সংস্কৃতি সচিব ছিলাম, তখন পশ্চিমবঙ্গ ক্যাডারের তিন জন অফিসার কেন্দ্রীয় সার্কেলের বিভিন্ন মন্ত্রকে সচিব পদে ছিলেন। বাঙালি, কিন্তু অন্য রাজ্যের ক্যাডারের অফিসার, এমন কয়েকজন ছিলেন অর্থ মন্ত্রকে, যোজনা কমিশনে। উত্তরপ্রদেশ ক্যাডারের পুলক চট্টোপাধ্যায় প্রধানমন্ত্রীর সচিব হয়েছিলেন। ফিকিতে ছিলেন পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বর্তমান অর্থমন্ত্রী অমিত মিত্র। সি. আই. আই.-এর প্রধান সচিব ছিলেন তরুণ দাস। দুজন নন- আই.এ.এস. সচিব ছিলেন বিজ্ঞানবিষয়ক মন্ত্রকে — একজন পারমানবিক শক্তি দফতরের খুবই গুরুত্বপূর্ণ দায়িত্বে, আর অন্য জন সি.এস.আই.আর-এ।
Every major nation in the world has a public broadcaster and there must be some reason why they do. Before we can discuss the shortcomings of Prasar Bharati, the autonomous body that supervises Doordarshan (DD) and All India Radio (AIR), we may recall that even as its Act was passed by Parliament in 1990, its spirit of autonomy was vitiated by two sections, 32 and 33, which took away with the left hand what the right gave. They ensured that all its major decisions like manpower, recruitment, service conditions, salaries and critical issues would be decided only by the Ministry of Information & Broadcasting (I&B).